Aneurin Bevan: A Biography: Volume 1: 1897-1945: 1897-1945 v. 1 by Michael Foot

Author:Michael Foot [Foot, Michael]
Language: eng
Format: azw3
ISBN: 9780571280827
Publisher: Faber & Faber
Published: 2011-10-05T16:00:00+00:00

Be still, be still, my soul; it is but for a season;

Let us endure an hour and see injustice done.

The performance of Chamberlain in recognizing Franco – his refusal even to urge any proper terms of amnesty for Franco’s victims – was, wrote Bevan, ‘the blackest page in British history … We have seen the ideals of our movement and the gallant workers who have fought for them harried and slaughtered all over Europe, and we have not helped them to victory or succoured them in their defeat’.

But these romantic associations and laments were not permitted to intrude into the Labour Party controversy. Soon all Labour Party members prominently backing the Cripps Petition were informed that persistence in this course would involve their expulsion along with Cripps himself. They too had committed the ultimate indecency; they had broken the Labour Party Constitution. But had they? Those participating in the Unity Campaign two years before had clearly offended by appearing on platforms with Communists; the Popular Front Petitioners had been careful to avoid this most heinous of crimes. The Petition had been launched at a meeting presided over by Sir Charles Trevelyan and supported by Will Lawther. Even if it were argued that Cripps had been guilty of a technical offence as a member of the Executive, what could be the charge against those backing him who held no official position? The argument seemed to be that a minority had no right to advocate its views or at least to organize in an effort to become the majority. ‘If every organized effort to change Party policy,’ wrote Bevan, ‘is to be described as an organized attack on the Party itself then the rigidity imposed by Party discipline will soon change into rigor mortis.’ The Labour Party should take special care not to transform itself into ‘an intellectual concentration camp’. This was the burden of the exchanges which followed between the Executive on one side and on the other Bevan, Strauss and two Labour candidates, Lieutenant Commander Edgar Young and Mr Robert Bruce. Bevan asked the taunting question: can you please tell us how we can, constitu­tionally, express ourselves for the dire purpose of winning a majority? Or again: there are resolutions on the Party agenda favouring a Popular Front; are we permitted to indicate our support for these resolutions, particularly if we undertake to do so only at properly sponsored Labour Party meetings, or is it your desire that only one side of this argument should be heard? He got no answer, but instead a direct ultimatum, approved on the Executive by thirteen votes to eleven. If the offenders refused to indicate their withdrawal from the Popular Front campaign within seven days, expulsion would follow automatically.

Expulsion did follow, despite a last, vain protest. ‘The refusal of the Executive,’ wrote Bevan and Strauss, ‘to allow us to appear before it so that we might defend ourselves; its failure to give us clear guidance as to the manner in which we could advocate

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